1.2 THE MIGRATION STORY

1.2.1 Summary history of Italian emigration to Australia 1788-1945

While there is ongoing research based on such sources as shipping records in State and Commonwealth archives, no figure for the total number of Italy-born who arrived in Australia over the period from 1788 has been established. The gold rushes of the 1850s have been identified as a catalyst for the presence in Australia, and in particular, in Victoria, of one of the first sizeable groups of Italy-born.

News of the Australian colonies was facilitated by the maritime tradition of Italy during the nineteenth century which brought Italian seafarers in contact with Australia (Pascoe, in Jupp 1988: 597). Apart from a small number of areas such as the goldfields where Italians were present, Italians emigrated or visited Australia in what Robert Pascoe has described as a "thin stream" from the early nineteenth century. Italians in Australia were relatively very few over the first 130 years after British colonisation. Increase over the nineteenth century was slow, sometimes steady, and mostly related to emigration by male individuals or small groups of males with kinship ties. Some were political radicals like Francesco Sceusa who sought refuge in Australia. Significant numbers, sometimes in groups from the same village or region of origin in Italy can be traced in the late 1800s and into the early years of the twentieth century. Italians often established themselves in remote geographical areas where, as Gianfranco Cresciani has noted, they lived virtually isolated from the wider Australian community, with paesani from the same village and the same occupation (Cresciani, in Jupp 1988: 609). Italy-born and their descendants were scattered across the Australian continent, often in rural or remote areas. The New Italy settlement near Woodburn in northern N.S.W. has a special place in this early history (Kevin 4-5).

With a few notable exceptions, Italians during the colonial period and into the early decades of Federation were largely unknown by the wider Australian society and lived marginal existences. Numbers of Italy-born increased in the 1890s when, for example, the Queensland Government sponsored Italian agricultural workers as cane cutters. From the late nineteenth century "distinctive Italian concentrations" (Ware 1981: 12) began to appear around the gold and silver mines, in agricultural areas, and in major ports and cities across the continent.

Over the historical period of Italian emigration to Australia, two general modes of migration can be identified. One is chain migration which involved the initial emigration of males, single or solo, who, once established, sponsored or facilitated emigration on the part of close or extended family members or fiancées from the same town or village of origin. In the post-World War 2 period proxy brides were sponsored, and the time lag between first emigration and the arrival of later family or group members was drastically reduced. The second general mode is circular migration, again predominantly by single or married males, characterised by seasonal or contract work and culminating in return migration. Customarily, as in the case of chain migration, circular migration involved the remittance of money to Italy.

A sub-category of both these modes, characteristic of the post-World War 2 period, was sponsored migration, whereby individuals were offered contracts of work in return for repayment of the costs of emigration. Another sub-category, also characteristic of the post-World War 2 period, was assisted migration, ratified at a government-to-government level, which led to a limited number of subsidised passages after 1951. Permanent, short-term or long-term settlement as well as return migration are all possible outcomes of these two general modes of migration.

From 1881 to 1901, known numbers of Italy-born settling in New South Wales rose from 551 to 1,577, with an apparent majority from Piedmont and Lombardy in Northern Italy. At the beginning of the twentieth century, there were an estimated 8,000 Italians in Australia. In 1901, men made up close to 90 per cent (Ware 1981: 12). Italian communities in Australia at the time of their origins were predominantly male. Through the process of chain migration that commonly occurred in subsequent years after the arrival of the first member or members of the "chain", female family and community members of the same and later generations began to arrive. In spite of unpromising economic conditions at the beginning of the twentieth century, Australia increasingly became a destination for Italians, with Italy-born numbering approximately 8,000 by 1921: "Clearly many Italians who had arrived before the war had not stayed on" (Ware 1981: 13). Return or circular migration have always been factors in Italian emigration.

Restrictions on immigrants were imposed nationally in 1901, the year of Federation and of the Immigration Restriction Act. In accordance with the Act, entry into Australia was barred to non-Europeans, and quota systems regulated the acceptance of non-British Europeans. As a result of fears over Australia's ability to defend itself from invasion, owing to its small population, there was a move in the years following World War I to attract large numbers of British immigrants. This effort failed to satisfy hopes and, as a result, the government became marginally more flexible in accepting other Europeans. When severe restrictions on the intake of Italian immigrants were instituted in the United States of America in the 1920s, the numbers of Italians entering Australia began to rise. As Cresciani notes, the figure for net Italian migration to Australia for the period 1922-1930 was 23,233, with "the ration of male over female being approximately four to one" (Cresciani, in Jupp 1988: 608). By 1928, official alarm was expressed about the number of non-English speaking immigrants. Severe quotas were subsequently imposed on the number of Italian immigrants.

Due to the economic problems of the 1930s, immigration (besides for the purposes of family reunion and immigrants with significant resources) was halted. There was in fact a net emigration of Italian men from Australia between 1931 and 1936 (Jones 1964: 258). By 1933 Italians, however, "had replaced the Germans as Australia's most numerous non-British minority" (Jones 1971: 134). Some Italy-born living in the cities went in search of work in the country. It is estimated that shortly before the outbreak of World War 2, there were some 40,000 Italians living in Australia, "of whom about 34,000 had been born in Italy" (Cresciani, in Jupp 1988: 608).

The beginning of World War 2 was a crucial time for Italians in Australia. In the early years of the war, Italy-born-and their non-Italian female spouses-were required to register as enemy aliens. Numbers were interned in camps (4,727 in total, around 10% of the total in Australia at that time), together with Italian prisoners of war who were relocated to Australia. From 1939, all Italy-born over the age of 18 years were officially required to register as aliens, even if they had become citizens. After 1943, when Italy renounced its previous pact with Germany and joined the Allied side, conditions of life for Italians in Australia began to improve. By April 1944 only 177 Italians were held in internment camps (Cresciani, in Jupp 1988: 612).

The racism implicit in the immigration quotas of the late 1920s, the explicit racism directed at Italians in the Australian press during the 1930s and fostered by such groups as the British Preference League, and the registration and internment processes of the early war years are three indicators of the institutional barriers which Italy-born confronted over this twenty-year period of substantial increase in the Italian-born population of Australia.

Italy-born over time in Australia have met with discrimination, racism, suspicion, hostility and ignorance. In the pre-war and post-war periods, negative stereotypes, particularly in relation to Italians born in Southern Italy, were reinforced by the language barrier and cultural barriers entrenched in Australian society. Italy's role in World War 2 up to 1943 was just another factor which impacted negatively on the lives of Italy-born in Australia. As Jones 1971 observes:

With the entry of Italy into the Second World War, Italians in Australia faced another trial. . . . aliens and naturalised Italians alike were interned in rural work camps, sometimes it was said to avoid unpleasant incidents in the towns and cities. It was a time of stress for all . . . the legacy of anti-Italian feeling was heavy. It is sobering to reflect that in a public opinion poll in 1946 only 10% of respondents favoured Italian migration to Australia compared to 28% for the Germans-despite the fact that Germany had initiated the war and fought it longer (Jones 1971: 134-35).

Hostility to Italian "otherness" persisted well into the post-World War 2 period. Some post-war Italian immigrants have reported that they not feel comfortable speaking Italian in the streets of Sydney until well into the 1970s. In fact, official pamphlets issued to new immigrants during the 1950s urged them not to speak a foreign language in public.

1.2.2 A Summary history of Italian emigration to Australia 1945 -

After World War 2, Australia emerged for the first time as a country of large-scale Italian migration. The regional origins of Italian immigrants to Australia was always varied. The ten Italian provinces (areas within the Italian regions) which provided the most immigrants from 1880-1960s were scattered in North and Central/Southern Italy, with a dominance of Northern Italian provinces at the beginning of this period and a dominance of Southern Italian provinces at its end (Jones 1964: 261).

In 1947, according to official Census figures, there were only 33,632 Italy-born in Australia, and men outnumbered women 2:1. Return migration was certainly one factor in the decrease on the pre-war figure. Lack of reporting is possibly another. The experience of being classified as enemy aliens until 1943 possibly discouraged some Italy-born from contact with officialdom.

When World War 2 finished, the view that the Australian population needed to expand was shared by politicians of all orientations. Australia opted for immigration on a large scale, planning to gain approximately 70,000 people or 1 per cent of the total population per year. The Australian government sought to attract immigrants from European countries, among them Italy, when it was became clear that the numbers required could not be provided by the United Kingdom. The government cautiously extended assistance to other groups. Australia made bi-lateral agreements with several important countries of emigration. Apart from a long-standing agreement with the United Kingdom, agreements were set up with Malta (1948), The Netherlands (1951), Italy (1951), Germany (1952), Turkey (1967) and Yugoslavia (1970). After signing of the agreement by the Australian and Italian governments in 1951, Italian immigrants were no longer required to prove they had sponsorship for work and medical expenses or a fixed amount of money.

Under the Assisted Passage scheme, Australia guaranteed two years of employment, a guarantee not always fulfilled. In the period 1951-1961, more than 41,000 Italians arrived under this scheme, a very small number, however, in comparison to the number who arrived independently and those who arrived sponsored and financed by family members. In the mid-1950s, the Australian government slowed recruiting under the Assisted Passage scheme and limited private sponsorships to immediate, dependent family. In 1961 the Italian Government refused to sign the agreement when it came up for renewal, since it was dissatisfied with terms of 1951 agreement. A new agreement in 1967 finally accorded Italians the same conditions as all other immigrants, with the exception of the British who still enjoyed advantages in employment and recognition of qualifications.

From 1961 to 1971, Italian immigration began to decline, partly as a consequence of the rapid (but uneven) improvement of economic conditions in Italy. Another factor in the decline of Australia as a destination for Italian emigrants was the difficulty which many Italians wishing to emigrate experienced with Australian bureaucracy. Jones reports the view of president of the Lloyd Triestino shippling line, in the late 1960s: " . . . it is harder for Italians to enter Australia than any other country except those behind the Iron Curtain" (Jones 1971: 138). Also the 1950's imperative for importing labour to support post-war initiatives such as the Snowy Mountains scheme and to work in steel and other industries experiencing growth and expansion had receded by the later 1960s. During the period 1971-1981, Italian net migration was in the negative. By 1981, more than one quarter of Italian immigrants departed. Before World War 2, approximately one third of Italian immigrants returned to Italy.

1.2.3 The Italy-born and Italy-linked Population of Australia 1947-1998

According to official figures for the Census years from 1947, the Italian-born population of Australia increased from 33,600 in 1947 to 119,900 in 1954 and in 1961, to 228,300, reaching a peak of 289,500 in 1971. According to Helen Ware, "taking the full period 1947 to 1980, Australia experienced a total net gain of 272,020 Italian-born persons representing 9.3% of the total foreign-born gain and just over half of the Southern European-born gain. By far the greatest gain was in the decade 1951-1961 . . ." (Ware 1981: 16). By the 1981 Census the number of Italy-born had declined to 285,300; in 1991 to 272,000; and in 1996 to 238,216.

The post-World War 2 arrival of Italy-born was a high point in the history of Italians in Australia and a significant element of Australia's history in the second half of the twentieth century.

Recent Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) figures for the estimated resident population of Australia disclose an estimated number of Italian-born residents in 1998 as 251,400, second after to those born in the United Kingdom, Ireland and New Zealand, counted collectively. On the basis of the 1996 Census figures, by adding to the number of those born in Italy (238,216) those who had one parent born in Italy (333,866), in 1996 there was a total of 572,102 persons linked to Italy by birth and parentage. According to ABS figures, this number ranks second after the number for those similarly linked to the United Kingdom and Ireland. Of Italy-born in the 1996 Census, 67.3% were aged between 25 and 64 (30.4% were aged 25-49, and 36.9% were aged between 50-64) and 31.2% were over the age of 65 years (Hugo 1999: 95).

In Australia in the late 1990s, Italian was the second most widely spoken language after English within the private domain. Australian Bureau of Statistics figures for 1996 show that, of those who spoke a language other than English at home, Italian ranked ahead of all other languages, and nearly 41% of those who spoke Italian at home were born in Australia. In the 1986 Census, 507,186 persons reported that they were of Italian ethnic origin (Hugo 1999: 94). In his 1989 study Ethnic Groups in Australia, Charles Price estimated that 606,360 persons were of Italian ethnic origin (Hugo 1999: 94, citing Price). These statistics alone highlight the importance of Italy-born within Australian society.

In the multicultural, multi-lingual and multi-ethnic Australia of 2001, Italy-born and their descendants have a significant presence. If one were to add to the cited Census and ABS figures, estimates of third, fourth, fifth and sixth generations of Australian-born who have Italian ancestral links, the numerical parameters would be significantly amplified. One million is not an unlikely figure for the number of Australians who identify in some way with Italy.

1.2.4 A Summary Conclusion

In summary, post-World War 2 immigration for the first time brought large numbers of Italians to Australia. The language barrier, isolation and loneliness, social factors such as workplace discrimination and practical difficulties, including the lack of recognition of overseas qualifications, were among problems which Italian immigrants faced. Whereas before World War 2 in Australia, a majority of Italy-born worked in agriculture and independent businesses, many post-war Italian immigrants worked in the construction and manufacturing industries. In the early stage of settlement or at a subsequent stage, many became proprietors of small businesses. After World War 2 major cities became focal points for Italians arriving in Australia.

In the post-World War 2 period, the suburb of Leichhardt took on a more important function for Sydney's Italy-born. Before the war, Leichhardt been one of several suburbs in which (the relatively few) Italy-born in Sydney lived. Demographic changes in the wider population after World War 2 contributed to the movement of newly arrived immigrant groups to suburbs such as Leichhardt. Among relevant factors were the ageing and mortality rates among long-term residents of suburbs close to the city centre. Burnley 1972 accounts comprehensively for the diverse demographic and other factors relating to immigrant group settlement in the post-war period up to 1966. See also Burnley 1996.